- Riona Basu
Source: The Economic Times |
Statistics and governments
Since
the onset of COVID-19, it is routine that the media displays national and
global numbers of coronavirus cases. Often, these are in catchy graphics. Much like
cricket scores of a live match. Television headlines broadcast half-hourly information.
Social media platforms like twitter are abuzz about the latest count. The
ministry of health affairs earlier would put out daily figures at 4 pm press
conferences. This has now been replaced by morning release of official numbers.
Official
numbers are usually taken as indisputable (Antonelli 2016). However, statistics
are not untouched by socio-political processes. Statistics or rather the maker
of particular statistics have more often than not a particular agenda in mind.
It, therefore, hints at a correlation between the governance system and
numbers.
In
the Indian scenario, such politics of numbers in terms of census and
enumeration have been studied by different scholars, particularly during the
colonial rule. Bernard Cohn (1987) had connected colonialism to practices of information
gathering and the standardization and simplifications of social, cultural, and
religious codes.
Numbers,
however, when used for self-enumeration can also be used by different
communities to organise themselves with a stated collective identity (Appadurai
2012). Numbers, therefore, no matter how abstract, have power over the material
lives of the different communities. Appadurai (1994) explains how numbers
played an important role in colonial imagination and helped shape the nature
and extent of communities in the mind of the people. This had tangible
expressions in the present as in the Ram janambhoomi and the anti-Mandal
agitation.
Health, statistics, and othering
It
is often seen in case of diseases, particularly contagious ones like HIV,
Tuberculosis, dominant communities tend to attribute its spread to people seen
as the ‘other’; in most cases marginalized and minority groups. Such identities
are socially constructed and do not have a specific medical basis for
attribution (Taylor 2013). In the case of coronavirus, because of its suspected
origin in China’s Wuhan, people from Asia became the target of increased
racism. In mainland India, such an attitude was seen against those from the north-east.
A disturbing incident took place in Delhi when an MPhil Research scholar from
Manipur was spit upon by a man and called corona.[i]
The
focus of this article however is the Tablighi Jamaat congregation, which many
media outlets defined as a super spreader event of the novel coronavirus. The
Tablighi Jamaat congregation took place on 15th March in Delhi, and
it was actively propagated that the people who attended the congregation were
responsible for spreading the virus across the country.
Source: India Today |
What
role did numbers play in facilitating this association of the disease with identity?
A large number of state governments started listing out coronavirus cases
related to the Tablighi Jamaat incident separately. The health ministry data at
the beginning of April claimed that because of the congregation, the doubling
rate of the disease was 4.1 days as opposed to the estimated 7.4 days. An April
6th newspaper report said, that out of 4056 cases, 1445 was linked to
Tablighi Jamaat congregation.[ii]
Another report from 18th April said that the ministry had linked 30%
of coronavirus cases in the country to the event.[iii]
Some state governments also followed this distinction in giving out data. Uttar
Pradesh addition chief secretary around the same time also put out figures,
distinguishing between the total numbers of corona cases in the state and
separately giving out those cases connected with Tablighi Jamaat congregation.[iv]
Impact of ‘othering’ on communities
There
was a sampling bias too in the initial reports. People who attended the
congregation were tested in higher numbers. The overall testing of the
population remained low.[v]
As late as May, some states continued to blame the congregation for the
increase in corona cases. It did not seem to matter that many of the cases were
unrelated to the congregation. The Jamaat President stated that the initial
targeting created an atmosphere of hatred towards Muslims in the country[vi].
Fake and unverified news started spreading about how the Jamaat members were
spreading coronavirus as well as unrest in the country. This news was
broadcasted by some of the most-watched national channels [vii]
and spread like wildfire in social media. Such representation of communities saw
widespread criticism, including international ones, forcing the central
government and its several agencies to put out official statements to counter
such prejudices.[viii]
Yet,
the reaction on the ground had already had tragic consequences. It exacerbated the
existing communal divide in the country. There were several incidents where
Muslims, even those unrelated to the Jamaat congregation became targets of
taunts and often violence. Muslims across the country faced increased ostracization
from the Hindus[ix].
In a recent clash of two groups in West Bengal, Muslims claimed they were
called ‘corona’ when they went out on the street[x].
Over
a period of time-specific numbers stop mattering. Vague terms such as ‘many’,
‘a large number’, and so on took over. Numbers, thus lend itself to different
uses, but perhaps one use of number which does not become immediately visible
is its role as markets of communities, strengthening already existing fault
lines in society
Numbers
help make ‘concrete’ the effect of a pandemic. It becomes a tool for
highlighting the misery of people. But it also renders individual cases
invisible. In this case, numbers played an important role in blaming the
disease on the ‘other’ community. In the context of growing Islamophobia, it is
easy to attribute the disease to the ‘other’, not simply in terms of religion,
but also in terms of class such as blaming domestic helps, security guards,
migrants for any COVID-19 case. The pandemic has indeed revealed the structure
of societies.
References:
1. Antonelli,
F. (2016). Politics of numbers: Sociological perspectives on official
statistics. International Review of Sociology, 26(3), 351-353.
2. Appadurai,
A. (1994). Number in the colonial imagination (C. A. Breckenridge & P. V.
Veer, Eds.). In Orientalism and the postcolonial predicament: Perspectives
on South Asia. Delhi: Oxford University Press.
3. Appadurai,
A. (2012). Why enumeration counts. Environment and Urbanization, 24(2),
639-641.
4. Taylor,
R. C. (2013). The politics of securing borders and the identities of disease. Sociology
of Health & Illness, 35(2), 241-254.
[i] https://www.news18.com/news/india/he-spat-and-called-me-corona-racism-against-north-east-indians-feeds-off-coronavirus-panic-2549223.html,
accessed on 7th June 2020.
[v]https://scroll.in/article/958392/explained-sampling-bias-drove-sensationalist-reporting-around-tablighi-coronavirus-cases , accessed on 7th June 2020.
[vii] https://thewire.in/communalism/bareilly-tablighi-jamaat-media-reports, accessed on 7th June 2020.
(Riona
Basu is an MPhil student at the Centre for the Studies in Social Systems
(CSSS), Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi.)
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